TRANSLATING GANTANG TUMBA CULTURAL TERMS IN KARONESE LANGUAGE INTO ENGLISH

This article aims to translate and analyze the cultural terms in Gantang Tumba texts of Karonese language into English. The problem in translating the cultural terms in the source language into the target language is mostly related to culture, they are untranslatable. Conceptual research is applied to get the data while translation and critical discourse analysis are used to analyze the data. The researchers analyze all data and use Newmark’s (1988) translation procedures to translate cultural terms in the Gantang Tumba texts into English. The data are collected from participants of Gantang Tumba of wedding ceremonies in Tiga Binanga, Karo regency. The research results show that some of the cultural terms in the SL have no equivalences in the TL; they are untranslatable. Tukor, batang unjuken, rudang-rudang, perseninaan, gamber inget-inget, si ngalo bere-bere, si ngalo perbibin, si ngalo perkempun, si rembah ku lau, perkembaren, and ulu emas are cultural terms in the negotiation of gantang tumba text which have no equivalences in the TL.


Introduction
Gantang tumba is a cultural term used by anak beru, anak beru means 'wife takers, father's sisters' families, and groom's lineage' (Sembiring and Panggabean, 2018;Sembiring, 2016) from the groom's party and the bride's party when negotiating dowry for marriage in the Karonese society. The two anak beru have a dialogue to find common ground on the amount of dowry to be paid by the groom's party to the bride's party at the Ersukat emas ceremony. Ersukat emas means a process of paying a dowry at a wedding party as a condition for the validity of a marriage. The literal translation of ersukat emas is the gold measuring. Emas is used as an expensive symbol.
Gantang and tumba are measuring instruments for the scales of an object which in this case is used in wedding. In the implementation of the gantang tumba process and the amount of dowry and the number of parts of the dowry differ from one region to another. In other regions, the number of gantang tumba and even the names of parts of the gantang tumba are different. For example, in the Tiga Binanga sub-district known as singalor lau, the gantang tumba is different from the Orang julu, Teroh deleng, and Langkat area.
The cultural terms are used in the implementation of the gantang tumba, both anak beru who regulate the confirmation of the gantang tumba process and the participants who must be present in the gantang tumba process. The ngorati gantang tumba ceremony is usually held in the afternoon and after the ceremony, guests are allowed to return to their respective homes. The implementation of the gantang tumba process is carried out if there is an agreement between the groom's party and the bride's party to continue the ceremony in the marriage. The event that will be held is a traditional party and before the party, there is a gantang tumba argumentation so that there is a preparation from the groom's party to prepare the amount of dowry and to which party the dowry will be delivered.
Ngorati gantang tumba is guided by anak beru singerana by both parties and assisted by another anak beru to record things needed for the implementation of the party to be held. Anak beru on both sides are very polite in negotiating and maintaining the authority of their respective kalimbubu in the runggu ceremony. They use a lot of Karonese cultural terms in the ngorati gantang tumba ceremony. The process of dialogue at the ngorati gantang tumba ceremony is unique. Cultural conversation agreements in asking about the amount of dowry at Karonese wedding ceremony needs to be maintained and preserved as very interesting local cultural assets.
The researchers are interested in translating cultural terms that exist at the ngorati gantang tumba ceremony from the Karonese language into English. The researchers would like to reveal the culture that exists in the Karonese society in English so that it can be understood by researchers and observers of English-speaking people. Besides, this article will contribute to the field of translation science, how to solve the problem of untranslatability in the source language (SL) to the target language (TL). Some of the cultural terms in the SL have no equivalences in the TL, they are untranslatable. The problem of untranslatability is mostly related to culture.
The researchers applied Newmark's (1988) and Molina & Albir's (2002) translation theories previously in translating cultural terms in Karonese society into English and found a familiar culture-bound term to develop Newmark's (1988) translation procedures (Sembiring and Panggabean, 2018) and to develop Molina & Albir's (2002) translation theories and found interdisciplinary translation technique. Sembiring and Girsang (2018) explain that the starting point of the dialogue in the wedding ceremony uses textual themes, they are eak, oe, and payo. They show that the communication in their dialogue during the wedding ceremony is communicative and polite. Eak, oe, and payo in SL are well in TL, they are continuatives as the starting point to start or convert the dialogue (Sembiring, 2014;Sembiring & Girsang 2018).
According to Maitland, (2017), the result of a translation product refers to the translator's subjectivity rather than the reality of the translation's object itself.
This study is to develop Newmark's (1988) translation procedures in translating Gantang Tumba texts in the wedding ceremony of Karonese society into English.

a. Ngorati Gantang Tumba
Ngorati gantang tumba is a series of activities at the nganting manok ceremony. Anak beru si sinereh is translated anak beru 'from the bride's party' asking what kind of party would be held to anak beru si sempo. There are three types of weddings in the Karonese society, namely the singuda, sintengah, and sintua parties.
The amount of the bride's dowry is determined at the nganting manok ceremony hosted by the anak beru of both parties. An agreement is obtained at the ngorati gantang tumba ceremony on how much marriage payment will be given to the bride's family, in preparation for submission at the wedding. The type of party is reflected on the number of guests to be invited so that the groom's parents know to prepare the consumption costs at the wedding. The ceremony of ngorati gantang tumba in an area such as Singalorlau is different from other regions in both the amount distributed and the party receiving how much gold is to be given.

b. Requirements for Gantang Tumba
Gantang tumba is confirmed at nganting manok ceremony. The nganting manok ceremony is a series of maba belo selambar. At the nganting manok ceremony, dinner must have been prepared because some families have attended the ceremony from distant villages. At this ceremony, Gantang tumba kalimbubu 'the marriage payment for kalimbubu' and pudun 'on the day of the ceremony will be discussed and scheduled.
The empo's family has to bring dinner completed with chicken and corn flour. At nganting manok ceremony, anak beru of the bride's family and the groom's family facilitate their kalimbubu plan at the wedding. The bride's anak beru confirms the groom's anak beru whether they have prepared the requirements for Gantang tumba. Both anak beru at a nganting manok ceremony confirm the requirements for Gantang tumba and they continue to discuss the schedule of the wedding.
They propose the day of the wedding whether it will be scheduled the next day, next month, or after the harvesting season. The type of wedding could be Kerna Belin Kitik Kerja 'total number of relatives invited at the wedding (Sintua, sintengah, Singuda) and the amount of dowry, bridegroom's clothing, the bridegroom's parents' clothing, sijalapen and penindih pudun are to be well discussed for the wedding of sintua. All of their relatives are invited, for wedding of sintengah, or not all of their relatives are invited, and for wedding of singuda, only some of their relatives are invited.

Literature Review
The meanings of the SL are transferred into the TL by using Newmark's 1988 translation procedures. The use of Newmark's (1988) translation procedures is helpful to overcome the untranslatable in the SL. Newmark proposed 18 translation procedures in the process of translation which covers; a. Transference, b. Naturalization, c. Cultural equivalent, d. Functional equivalent, e. Descriptive equivalent, f. Componential analysis, g. Synonymy, h. Through-translation, i Shifts or transpositions, j. Modulation, k. Recognized translation, l. Compensation, m. Paraphrase n. Couplets, o. Notes.
Translating Gantang tuma is a part of translating Karonese culture in a wedding into English. The previous papers emphasized translating sijalapen, daliken si telu, translating tutur si waloh, translating culture-bound terms in wedding speech texts of Karonese society into English, and translating nure-nure texts.
Sembiring, (2015) did research on translating daliken si telu and he has the output of the article entitled 'Translating Daliken si Telu Texts in Karonese Society into English'. Daliken si telu or rakut si telu consists of kalimbubu, sembuyak, and anak beru in Karonese society.
Besides, the textual theme of maba belo selambar dialogue in the SL is translated into the TL by applying Newmark's (1988) translation methods and procedures. He found literal and semantic translation methods and descriptive translation procedures were workable in translating the textual theme, of maba belo selambar dialogue in the SL into the TL. Sembiring, (2015) explains that every Karonese is involved in rakut si telu. It consists of three groups of kinship, they are kalimbubu, anak beru, and sembuyak. One can be an anak beru, and he can be also a kalimbubu or a sembuyak in other families; kinship can be achieved by the relation of blood or marriage.

Research Method
The study is done by applying Williams and Chesterman's (2015) conceptual research to get the data and supported by translation analysis and critical discourse analysis. The researchers applied Newmark's (1988) translation procedures to translate the data as the cultural terms in the Gantang tumba texts into English.
The data are collected from participant observation of Gantang tumba of wedding ceremonies in Tiga Binanga sub-district of Karo regency.

Results and Discussions
To start a dialogue at the Karonese wedding ceremony, the bride's anak beru and the groom's anak beru confirm the presence of sukut by asking if mama, mami, impal kami, nina turangku, sipemeren, siparibanen, sepengalon, sendalanendu had gathered on the mat that anak beru had prepared.
Sukut began to observe all the presence of their 'sangkep nggeluh' and said that they were all present. Anak beru continued his question about whether perbibin, singalo bere bere, singalo perkempun had arrived. While the groom's anak beru only asked about the presence of sukut and kalimbubu singalo ulu emas. Anak beru revealed the cultural terms in carrying out confirmation of the bride's family gantang tumba sukut which became the data analyzed in this paper and transferred the meanings from Karonese language to English.
Parts of gantang tumba in Karonese society as the data of analysis, were of eleven cultural terms as the central analysis of this paper.
The eleven cultural terms which wer found in ngorati gantang tumba were tukor, gantang tumba/batang unjuken, rudang rudang, perseninaan, gamber inget inget. This gantang tumba was held in Tigabinanga sub-district, Karo Recency, North Sumatra. Getting a share of the dowry was an honor for Karonese society in the wedding ceremony. If they were not shared as a part of the dowry which was their own, they would be disappointed.

SL : Tukor
TL : A part of marriage payment for the bride's natal group. The researchers use the translation procedure of descriptive equivalent in translating Sample 1 into the TL.

SL : Batang unjuken
TL : The dowry for sukut sinereh si mada dareh 'the bride's parents and their close relatives. The Sample 2 Batang unjuken was translated into the 'dowry for sukut sinereh si mada dareh 'the bride's parents and their close relatives. The translation procedure of descriptive equivalent was used to explain Batang unjuken and its function. The researchers explain Batang unjuken by adding the cultural terms of sukut sinereh si mada dareh to make sure the receivers of batang unjuken. Sukut sinereh si mada dareh was translated with the host of the wedding.

SL : Rudang rudang
TL : Rudang rudang is a part of dowry used as pengela ngela of the bride's parent for senina sukut sinereh bride's parent's distant agnates. Rudang rudang in the SL when translated literally meant flowers. It is a cultural term as a part of the dowry delivered to sembuyak, sipemeren, siparibanen and sipengalon. They referred to the bride's parent's close relatives. The function of rudang rudang is a symbol of the togetherness of the bride's parents with their brothers as friends to talk with to run the wedding party well. The researchers used the translation procedure of descriptive equivalent but it was not sufficient for the Sample 3 meaning in the TL. The researchers should identify the recipients of Rudang rudang.

SL : Perseninaan
TL : Senina ku ranan serves as a mediator between sukut and anak beru. As seen in Sample 4, the stem of the word 'Perseninaan' is senina which means brother, and the functions of a brother are helping each other and helping together. The researchers translated Perseninaan by explaining and using a cultural term of the SL in the TL to get the close meaning of the SL in the TL. Senina ku ranan is a person who receives a part of the dowry to mediate sukut and anak beru. Senina ku ranan is the senina of sukut with different sub clan but within the same clan, for example, those who have a wedding are the Sembiring Pelawi, the senina ku ranan is the sub-clan of Sembiring. One of them is Sembiring Brahmana. Senina ku ranan will convey what anak beru wants to convey to Sukut and he will also answer anak beru's questions to Sukut. A part of the dowry is given to the senina ku ranan which is called the perseninan.

SL : Gamber inget inget
TL : A part of the dowry is given to the groom's anak beru tua and the bride's anak beru tua. Anak beru tua is also known as anak beru si ngerana, they usually manage the ceremonies in their kalimbubu. Kalimbubu is known as wife givers who are classified as si ngalo Perbibin, si ngalo Perkempun, and si ngalo bere bere.
6. SL : Si ngalo bere bere TL : Bride's mother's brothers and bride's grandmother's brothers. As shown in Sample 6, the researchers used the translation procedure of descriptive equivalent. The translators should question the clan of the bride's mother and the clan of the bride's grandmother. Their brothers are called si ngalo bere bere, the clan of the bride's mother and the clan of the bride's grandmother may be different, and a part of the dowry is given to singalo bere bere, they are the clan of the bride's mother's and the clan of the bride's grandmother.

SL : Si ngalo Perbibin
TL : Perbibin, married women who have the same clan as the bride's mother Singarimbun, (1975) translates perbibin into married sisters of the bride's mother, the researchers think it will have problems if the bride's mother has no sister. Who will receive a part of the dowry called perbibin, therefore it will be represented by married women who have the same clan as the bride's mother.

SL : Si ngalo perkempun
TL : A part of dowry which is received by the bride's mother's mother's brothers or kalimbubu of kalimbubu. The bride's mother's mother's brothers mean the bride's grandmother and they have different clans. Bride's grandmother's brothers are called si ngalo perkempun.
There are five clans in Karonese society they are Perangin Angin, Ginting, Tarigan, Karo Karo and Sembiring and every si ngalo perkempun has different clans in different families. The translators should be familiar with the clans of si ngalo perkempun and the manner of giving a dowry should be polite and have a discussion between sukut and puang kalimbubu. The manner of having dialogue to give a dowry and the amount of it should be discussed to get a compromise.
In Sample 8, the researchers found a contribution to the field of translation, that is translation manner of deliberation. The translators as the researchers should discuss the classification and the functions of the cultural terms in gantang tumba texts in the process of translation. 9. SL : Si rembah ku lau TL : The bride's father's sisters, their clans are the same as the bride's father's clan. Si rembah ku lau is addressed to the bride's father's sisters' sons' wives. For example, if the bride's father is Ginting, it is called si beru Gintingken. Si rembah ku lau in the SL is discussed what is bride's father's clan and his sisters are si rembah ku lau and his sisters' sons' wives are also called si rembah ku lau. If si rembah ku lau is translated literally it means the women who bathe the bride in a river when she is a

SL : Perkembaren
TL : A part of drowy is given to anak beru 'wife taker'; there are four kinds of anak beru, they are anak beru tua, anak beru menteri, anak beru singikuri, and anak beru cekoh baka. Anak beru tua, anak beru menteri, anak beru singikuri, and anak beru cekoh baka in the SL are not translated into the TL. To know who is the groom's anak beru and their clans, the translators should discuss them with the bridegroom's parents.

SL : Ulu emas
TL : Ulu emas is part of the dowry given to the groom's mother's brothers, known as kalimbubu by birth. Ulu emas consists of the groom's mother's brothers, the groom's father's mother's brothers and the groom's grandmother's brothers. They are known as kalimbubu by birth.
The researchers used the translation procedure of descriptive equivalent in translating Sample 11 into the TL. Ulu emas is a cultural term in the SL, if it is translated literally, it will be a gold source.
According to Sembiring, (2016) kalimbubu in the SL means the wife's brothers, the mother's brothers, or the grandmother's brothers. Their surnames are the same as the wife, the mother, or the grandmother's surnames. The term kalimbubu which has a broad meaning is not found in the TL, kalimbubu is adapted as 'wife giver' in a target language.
There are many differences, both from one area to another and from one clan to another in the implementation of the gantang tumba. On the one hand, there is a positive value because people can adapt to new situations that they face, but on the other hand, this kind of atmosphere becomes a topic of discussion in the family.
For the first data, descriptive equivalence was applied. Newmark's descriptive equivalent translation procedure makes sense to explain the meaning of cultural terms in a few words in TL.

Conclusion
After analyzing the cultural terms of Gantang Tumba texts in Karonese society and writing them in English, the researchers find that there are eleven cultural terms in the SL. They are tukor, batang unjuken, rudang-rudang, perseninaan, gamber inget-inget, si ngalo bere-bere .si ngalo perbibin, si ngalo perkempun, si rembah ku lau, perkembaren, ulu emas, which have no equivalences in the TL. The researchers propose to use a translation manner of deliberation. The use of cultural terms by the anak beru makes their communication more interesting, ethical, and polite. The researchers as translators apply translation procedures and are supported by critical discourse analysis to achieve an understanding of the meanings in the TL. Therefore, the researchers as translators must describe and explain cultural terms of the SL in the TL to capture the meanings of the SL. The results show that literal and descriptive translation procedures are applied to transfer the messages of the SL into the TL. This work contributes to a translation manner of deliberation to solve the untranslatable.